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Dunaeva Anastasia Yurievna V.F. Dzhunkovsky: political views and state activity: the end of the 19th - the beginning of the 20th centuries. : dissertation... candidate of historical sciences: 07.00.02 / Dunaeva Anastasia Yurievna; [Place of protection: Ros. state humanitarian. un-t (RGGU)].- Moscow, 2010.- 392 p.: ill. RSL OD, 61 10-7/562

Introduction

Chapter 1. Stages of formation of a statesman of a new type 28

1.1. Family traditions and family education 28

1.2. Corps of Pages 48

1.3. Adjutant of the Moscow Governor General 61

1.4. Moscow Metropolitan Guardianship of People's Sobriety 77

Chapter 2. Activities of V.F. Dzhunkovsky as Moscow governor 89

2.1. V.F. Dzhunkovsky and the Stolypin Modernization Program 89

2.2. Relations with members of the public 123

2.3. The motto "To God and neighbor" in the governor's practice V.F. Dzhunkovsky 133

Chapter 3. The role of V.F. Dzhunkovsky in reforming the bodies of political investigation 145

3.1. Transformations in the political search in the context of police reform in Russia 146

3.2. Changes in the composition of internal and external agents 167

3.3. Reforming the structures of political investigation bodies 218

3.4. Relations with the ranks of "protection" 260

3.5. V.F. Dzhunkovsky and R.V. Malinovsky 271

3.6. The case of Lieutenant Colonel S.N. Myasoedova 283

3.7. V.F. Dzhunkovsky and G.E. Rasputin 293

Chapter 4. Behavioral strategies of V.F. Dzhunkovsky during the First World War and the Bolshevik dictatorship 339

4.1. On the Western Front in the situation of the revolutions of 1917 339

4.2. In Soviet Russia 356 Conclusion 369

Introduction to work

Relevance of the dissertation determined by a steady scientific interest in the problems of the formation and functioning of the bureaucracy, which, in the conditions of post-reform Russia, sought to correspond to the trends of the modernization process. Vladimir Fedorovich Dzhunkovsky (1865 - 1938) belonged to the number of such representatives of the bureaucratic elite, whose personality and activities deserve close research attention. The relevance of the topic is determined by the fact that V.F. Dzhunkovsky belonged to the Stolypin-type administrators who were aware of the need to implement comprehensive reforms in the country. This steady trend was reflected both in his administrative activities as governor of Moscow (1905 - 1912) and as Deputy Minister of the Interior (1913 - 1915), when he personally took responsibility for reforming one of the key state structures.

Dzhunkovsky's reforms carried out by him in the system of organs state security, give rise to different estimates. However, they have so far been considered, on the one hand, outside the context of his previous activities, and on the other, in isolation from his general reformist intention. In historiography, there are attempts to only fragmentarily highlight certain aspects of his activities in the political wanted list outside the general system of his value priorities, outside the context of the transformations carried out by the bureaucratic elite in the context of a systemic political crisis. The analysis of the consequences of Dzhunkovsky's transformations for the political investigation bodies continues to be an urgent problem.

The pre-governor period of the biography of V.F. Dzhunkovsky, when his personality was being formed, the principles of state activity were being formed, the first administrative experience was being acquired.

For researchers, the final stages of Dzhunkovsky's biography are no less important (service in the army during the First World War, after the October period in Soviet Russia). Recently, there have been many versions about the demand for professional experience of V.F. Dzhunkovsky by the Soviet special services and about his participation in the famous KGB operation "Trust", etc. In connection with all the questions that have arisen, the main problem of this study is the reconstruction of a holistic image of Dzhunkovsky as a personality and statesman of the era of Stolypin's reforms and an assessment of his contribution to the process of modernizing Russia at the beginning of the 20th century.

The degree of knowledge of the problem. Dzhunkovsky is known to researchers, first of all, as the author of multi-volume memoirs, which, like the memoirs of other famous statesmen (Syu. Witte, V.N. Kokovtsev, V.I. Gurko), are the basic source on the history of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. and are used in famous works of domestic and foreign historians 1 .

Assessments of Dzhunkovsky's political views in the works of Soviet researchers were diametrically opposed. So, A.Ya. Avrekh believed that Dzhunkovsky, appointed to the post of Deputy Minister of the Interior" under the patronage of N.A. Maklakov, "was as extreme right-wing as Maklakov", although he "enjoyed great respect and authority in the liberal-bourgeois circles of both capitals precisely for something that demonstrated the level of respectability and competence necessary for power from the point of view of these circles.

1 Dyakin B.C. Russian bourgeoisie and tsarism during the First World War (1914 - 1917). L, 1967; A crisis
Autocracy in Russia, 1895-1917. L., 1984; Avrekh A.Ya. Tsarism on the eve of the overthrow. M., 1989; Wortman
R.S. power scenarios. Myths and ceremonies of the Russian monarchy. T. 1-2., M., 2004; Robbins R. Famine
1891-1892, New York, 1975; Robbins R. The Tsar's Viceroys: Russian Provincial Governors in the Last Years of
the Empire. Ithaca (N.Y.). 1987.

2 Avrekh A.Ya. Tsarism and the IV Duma. M., 1981. S. 263.

5 opinion, they represented a mixture of protective and guardian ideas, official anti-bourgeois liberalism and "police socialism" 3 .

Research interest in Dzhunkovsky as an independent personality arose relatively recently, in the 90s. 20th century Thus, A. Semkin was one of the first to emphasize Dzhunkovsky's high moral qualities 4 . A series of essays on his life and work belongs to I.S. Rosenthal 5 , who positively assessed the transformations of Dzhunkovsky, who "did not like provocateurs" 6 , gave a detailed account of his activities in reforming the investigation agencies on "completely new principles", in strict accordance with the law 7 and raised an important question for researchers: "Have the innovations remained in force? Dzhunkovsky after his resignation? eight . Interest in the biography of Dzhunkovsky was also shown by specialists involved in the rehabilitation of the victims of the Stalinist terror, since he was shot at the Butovo training ground near Moscow in 1938 on charges of counter-revolutionary activities, and in 1989 he was officially rehabilitated.

In generalizing monographs and dissertations on the history of the political police of Russia, published in the 90s. 20th century and at the beginning of the new century 10 , we find the coverage of individual transformations of Dzhunkovsky wanted. Critical assessments of these transformations are also beginning to appear, which began in the memoirs of the heads of the security departments, who accused Dzhunkovsky of weakening the search authorities because of the desire to please the public.

3 Crisis of autocracy in Russia, 1895-1917. L., 1984. S. 413.

4 Semkin A. Such an atypical gendarme / / Soviet police. 1991. No. 10.S. 28.

5 Rosenthal I.S. The ill-fated portrait // Soviet Museum. 1992. No. 4. pp. 39-41.
b Rosenthal I.S. He did not like provocateurs?//Rodina. No. 2. 1994. S. 38 -41.

7 Rosenthal I.S. Pages of the life of General Dzhunkovsky // Centaur. 1994. No. 1. S. 94.

8 Ibid. P.99.

9 Butovo landfill. 1937-1938 Book of memory of victims of political repressions. Issue. 3. M., 1999.S. 82.,
Golovkova L.A. Lyubimova K.F. Executed generals. URL: 8/

10 Ruud Ch.A., Stepanov S.A. Fontanka, 16: Political investigation under the tsars. M., 1993; Peregudova Z.I.
Political investigation of Russia (1880 - 1917). M., 2000; Lauchlan I. Russian Hide-and-Seek. Helsinki, 2002.

In the abstract of his doctoral dissertation, the well-known researcher of the pre-revolutionary political search Z.I. Peregudova writes that “serious changes (not for the better) in the Special Department occurred after 1913. In many respects they are connected with the arrival of Deputy Minister V.F. Dzhunkovsky. He weakened the structures of political investigation in the field, destroyed secret agents in army units and secondary schools. In the same period, there was a change in the leadership of the Special Department, which significantly reduced the department's capabilities and its role in the fight against the liberation movement.

In the preface to the memoirs of the leaders of the political investigation department Z.I. Peregudova also notes that as a result of the abolition of security departments and regional security departments by Dzhunkovsky, an important link in the structure of the political search was eliminated, and "the measures taken by Dzhunkovsky did not contribute to either strengthening the political police or improving the situation in relations between its leading cadres" 12.

The monograph of the American researcher J. Daly should be especially singled out, in which a separate chapter is devoted to Dzhunkovsky "The Moralist at the Head of the Police Apparatus". Daley believes that nothing was more important to the political police of the last years of the old regime than the reform program launched by Dzhunkovsky in 1913. to purge police institutions,” the author writes. - He wanted to protect and maintain public order, but he hated the way it was usually done. Perhaps the fact that Dzhunkovsky's actions evoked little resistance from the official authorities, the court and right-wing circles,

11 Peregudova Z.I. Political investigation of Russia (1880 - 1917): Abstract of the thesis. day .... Dr. ist. Sciences. M., 2000. S. 67.

12 Peregudova Z.I. "The Okhrana" through the eyes of the guards // "The Okhrana". Memoirs of leaders
political investigation in 2 vols. M., 2004. T. 1. S. 11.

13 Daly J.W. A Moralist Running the Police Apparatus II The Watchful State: Security Police and Opposition in
Russia, 1906-1917. DeKalb (111.). 2004. P. 136 - 158.

7 testified to the attitude of the elite towards the political police, especially on the wave of "Azefovism-Bogrovshchina". The police apparatus won the war against revolutionaries and terrorists, but lost the battle with society. Probably, a decent Dzhunkovsky could win the trust of society” 14 .

Negatively evaluating Dzhunkovsky's reforms as weakening the search and emphasizing that they were carried out solely on his own initiative, Daly concludes that Dzhunkovsky certainly had the best intentions in this. The overall budget of the police decreased, he writes further, the network of semi-autonomous security departments created by Zubatov disappeared, most of the district security departments created by Trusevich were liquidated, officers of the provincial departments dressed in gendarmerie uniforms carried an increased workload, secret agents no longer penetrated the gymnasium and military units, key figures of the “protection”, who, according to Dzhunkovsky, were not trustworthy, were dismissed from service. “And yet, it seems that Dzhunkovsky failed to inspire respect for the gendarme uniform, win public confidence in his ministry, improve relations between the political police and the civil administration, and eradicate unsightly practices in the secret cache of the Police Department, although this cache is now called “9 th Records Management”, and not “Special Department”, Daly continues his thought and sums up. “But the most important question for this study, however, is whether or not Dzhunkovsky’s reforms undermined the government’s ability to defend itself against revolutionaries during the First World War?” fifteen .

Having set such a task, the author, however, does not analyze the consequences of the reforms. At the same time, his position is quite clearly stated in the epilogue of the monograph. “In reality,” writes Daley, “the monarchy collapsed not because of the coordinated efforts of professional or other

14 Ibid. R. 136.

15 Ibid. R. 158.

8 revolutionary activists, but because of incompetence at the highest levels of government and the delegitimization of the monarchy, as well as because of the rebellion of the troops, the discontent of the elite, the population's war weariness, which was intensified by constant revolutionary propaganda. There were two other drawbacks to the system. First, the political police lacked a think tank to authorize special measures. The Special Department collected a lot of information, analyzed it competently and realistically, and yet could only report on the mood of the people and the general situation, setting out dry facts. In order to change this situation in a state of crisis, the director of the Special Section had to have access to the ears of the emperor and his confidence, and he did not have them. Secondly, when it really mattered, during the First World War, the police did not have informants in the army. It was a huge omission. Nicholas II was deeply confident in the loyalty of the troops and believed that they would be beyond the reach of propagandists. He and Dzhunkovsky both cherished outdated fantasies about the honor and dignity of the armed forces, whose leaders also insisted on their immunity to revolutionary contagion.

The domestic researcher K.S. also critically evaluates the reform actions of Dzhunkovsky. Romanov 17 . Most Negative influence all subsequent activities of the political search, in his opinion, had the abolition of Dzhunkovsky district security departments. The author believes that no one tried to recreate them after Dzhunkovsky's departure. Romanov claims that the leaders of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Police Department were well aware that "many of the reforms carried out on the eve of the war began to have a negative impact on the activities of the political police under the new conditions," but they failed to eliminate them. “Thus, the reforms of V.F. Dzhunkovsky due to the suddenly changed

16 Ibid. R. 224.

17 Romanov K.S. Transformations V.F. Dzhunkovsky // Police Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia on the eve and in the years
World War I (1913-1917): dis.... cand. ist. Sciences. SPb., 2002. S. 130-150.

The external and internal political situation not only hampered the work of political investigation bodies, but also significantly weakened it” 18 .

At the same time, Romanov, like Daly, does not believe that the reforms were caused by Dzhunkovsky's liberalism or voluntarism. “The change in the domestic political situation in the state led to the fact that broad sections of society, as well as many dignitaries, considered it necessary to put an end to the “emergency” of the post-revolutionary years, the most striking manifestation of which was the activity of the political police. This prompted Dzhunkovsky to begin her transformation. As a result of the conducted in 1913-1914. reforms began the process of transforming the system of political investigation. It was supposed to end with the formation of a qualitatively new system, which carried out its activities on the basis of completely different principles. However, the favorable environment for such transformations did not last long. After August 1, 1914, their further conduct was discontinued, but the results of those already carried out were so significant that many features in the work of the political police during the war period were predetermined precisely by them.

However, further Romanov, like Daly, does not conduct a documentary analysis of the consequences of Dzhunkovsky's transformations, suggesting only that attempts were made to restore the internal agents from the soldiers canceled by Dzhunkovsky, however, “apparently, it was not possible to restore the destroyed agents. Information about the mood in the military environment in

The police department still didn't get it." His assumptions are more of a hypothesis. Since both Daley and Romanov use in their works the memories of the leaders of the political investigation department who disagree with Dzhunkovsky's transformations, it can be assumed that it is their point of view that makes the authors draw such conclusions. It is also impossible not to notice that, although both authors dedicate part of their work to Dzhunkovsky,

18 Ibid. S. 148.

19 Ibid. S. 150.

20 Ibid. S. 149.

10 he exists for them only as a fellow minister of the interior, and his transformations are not connected with his previous experience.

At the end of XX - beginning of XXI century. there are works where Dzhunkovsky appears exclusively as the Moscow governor. So, I.S. Rosenthal gives a more balanced characterization of Dzhunkovsky's political views than his predecessors. “By that time, the idea of ​​primacy in the state of the nobility, which was defended by the ruling elite, seemed archaic by that time, not excluding Dzhunkovsky. This idea could not be reconciled with the economic weight and growing claims of the big bourgeoisie,” the researcher writes. And he adds: “If you resort to a modern political vocabulary, the Moscow governor wanted to be a centrist, he was turned away by any extremes - both left and right. This infuriated the leaders of the right-wing monarchist Black Hundred groups. He considered their interference in the affairs of government impermissible” 21 .

In his monograph “Moscow at the Crossroads. Power and Society in 1905-1914. I.S. Rosenthal concluded: “It would be wrong to say that after the upheavals of the first revolution, there was no desire in the bureaucratic environment to comprehend their causes and consequences. Apparently, it was impossible to continue a service career without fitting into the partially reformed political system at all” 22 . To those who considered changes in state structure irreversible, belonged, in his opinion, and Dzhunkovsky.

We also encounter a similar assessment in the work of the American scholar R. Robbins 24 , who expresses a constructive, in our opinion, idea of ​​a new generation of Russian administrators - the “Stolypin generation”, born during the period of the Great Reforms and

21 Rosenthal I.S. Governor of the times of state service//Public service. 1999. No. 1. S. 41.

22 Rosenthal I.S. Moscow at a crossroads. Power and society in 1905 - 1914 M., 2004. S. 45.

23 Ibid. S. 62.

24 Robbins R. Vladimir Dzhunkovskii: Witness for the Defense// Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian
History, 2 (Summer, 2001). P. 635-54.

the greatest successes before the First World War, whose career was interrupted by the Revolution of 1917. 25 They, according to Robbins, showed respect for the law and legality, were experienced professionals,

felt the importance of an ever-growing connection between government and public organizations. Dzhunkovsky, in his opinion, is an example of such an administrator 26 .

In addition to the interest in Dzhunkovsky's reforms and his bureaucratic practice as governor, versions of Dzhunkovsky's participation in the work of Soviet special services have been unusually widespread in recent historiography. The fact that Dzhunkovsky has been in the Soviet service since 1924 is first mentioned in the comments to the American edition of A.P. Martynov, published under the editorship of R. Enemies in 1973. 27 In the comments of the American scientists T. Emmons and SV. Utekhin to the diary of Yu.V. Gautier for the first time indicates that Dzhunkovsky "according to some information, later (that is, after June 15, 1921 - A.D.) collaborated with the GPU (in particular, he was a consultant on the provocative operation "Trust")" .

The opinion about the liberal bias of Dzhunkovsky in the writings of some historians grew into the assertion that he, being a Freemason, deliberately worked to destroy the Russian state. O.A. Platonov and A.N. Bokhanov interprets Dzhunkovsky's activities in monitoring Grigory Rasputin in a new way, believing that he deliberately engaged in discrediting Rasputin, carrying out a program of Masonic conspiracy against the empire. "Dzhunkovsky's work in the Soviet special agencies, in their opinion, once again confirms his treacherous nature.

V.A. Maklakov in his memoirs "Power and the public at the decline of old Russia". Paris, 1936. S. 601.

26 Robbins R. Op.Cit. P. 636, 647-643.

28 See Gauthier Yu.V. My Notes // Questions of history. 1993. No. 3. S. 172. See also S. 358.

29 The version that Dzhunkovsky's speech against Rasputin was connected with the offensive
parliamentarians and opposition leaders, cites in his monograph SV. Kulikov. See Kulikov SV.

12 Extremely categorical in this sense, A.N. Bokhanov. “A considerable number of the highest military officials of the empire in the last period of its existence shared a skeptical attitude towards power. Among them were liberals, and even republicans, who renounced the oath of allegiance to the king, changed their oath long before the last monarch resigned his powers. And then they proved themselves not in the best way. They served in command positions in the Red Army, and some even more: they began to work in the bodies of the workers' and peasants' government, - he writes and clarifies. - Among the latter was the former tsarist general V.F. Dzhunkovsky, who worked closely with the VChK-GPU-NKVD for several years. Although this chapter of the general's life is not replete with details, the fact itself is beyond doubt. Crouching before the "people's authorities", however, did not allow the former brilliant officer of the Preobrazhensky Regiment to die in peace and quiet. In 1938, by decision of the NKVD, he was shot” 30 . Bokhanov, like other historians, does not cite any documents confirming that Dzhunkovsky really was a “Soviet employee”, as if considering this to be a proven fact.

In the article “Was Vladimir Dzhunkovsky the father of the Trust?: In Search of Truth” R. Robbins gives a number of arguments that make Dzhunkovsky’s participation in this operation possible, although at the end he says that this has not been proven.

Thus, the process of studying the activities of Dzhunkovsky went through parallel stages in Russian and American historical science: the study of Dzhunkovsky as an administrator of the era of the Duma monarchy in the framework of biographical sketches, the study of his reforms in the political wanted list, as well as other areas of his police activities.

bureaucratic elite Russian Empire on the eve of the fall of the old order (1914 - 1917). Ryazan, 2004. S. 50-51.

30 Bokhanov A.N. Rasputin. Anatomy of a myth. M., 2000. S. 231.

31 Robbins R. Was Vladimir Dzhunkcvskii the Father of the "Trust"? : A Quest for the Plausible//Journal of Modern
Russian History and Historiography. 1 (2008). P.l 13 - 143. R. Robins' arguments are given on page 359.

13
At the moment, it is natural to move on to the next

historiographic stage - a systematic study of him as a statesman. This stage was embodied in this dissertation, as well as in the biography of Dzhunkovsky, which is currently being written by the American researcher R. Robbins.

Purpose of the study consists in recreating a holistic image of V.F. Dzhunkovsky and the study of his political views and state activities as a representative of the bureaucratic elite, directly related to the modernization of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the 20th century.

To achieve this goal, it seems necessary to solve the following research tasks:

To trace the process of the formation of Dzhunkovsky as a state
figure, given the traditions of his family, education received and early
administrative experience;

Investigate the state practice of Dzhunkovsky in office
Moscow governor in the context of Stolypin's reforms,
draw conclusions about his political views, formed to this
time, and trace their possible evolution in 1917.

to analyze the motives for which Dzhunkovsky initiated transformations in the political police, to consider the whole complex of transformations as a single plan of the reformer, and also to find out the actions of the leaders of the investigation after his resignation;

explore the myths about Dzhunkovsky associated with well-known historical plots (G. Rasputin, R. Malinovsky, "The Myasoedov Case", Operation "Trust"), based on the analysis of available archival documents.

Object of study became a political biography and state activities of Dzhunkovsky, captured in sources of personal origin (memoirs, letters, notebooks, photographs) and in various official documents and materials (circulars, orders,

14 reports, instructions, certificates, reports, protocols of interrogations, formal lists, official correspondence, surveillance diaries, press materials), as well as the actions of officials of the political police after the resignation of Dzhunkovsky from the post of Deputy Minister of the Interior.

Subject of research in the dissertation are the system of values, political views of Dzhunkovsky and the principles of his state activity, implemented by him during his public service.

To solve the problems posed in the dissertation, the author used an extensive source base, consisting of unpublished and published documents. Unpublished documents for the study were identified in the funds of six archives - GA RF, RGVIA, OR RSL, RGIA, CIAM, OR GTsTM im. Bakhrushin. The basis for the dissertation was the materials of the State Archives Russian Federation(GA RF). The materials of Dzhunkovsky's personal fund in the State Archives of the Russian Federation (F. 826, op. 1, 1084 items) contain information about all periods of his life, except for the Soviet period, as well as data about his ancestors. Most Attention memoirs of Dzhunkovsky (F. 826. Op. 1. D. 37-59), which are separate volumes in folio of handwritten and typewritten text, deserve. The handwritten volumes contain documentary inserts in the text - newspaper clippings, menus, theater programs, letters, telegrams, office documents, which Dzhunkovsky later typed, so that the typewritten text looks homogeneous. The memoirs cover the period from 1865 - the time of Dzhunkovsky's birth - to the end of 1917, when he officially retired. Since Dzhunkovsky's memoirs are one of the basic sources for this study and, in addition, they are of independent importance as a source on the history of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century, it is necessary to dwell on the history of their creation. The history of memoirs is, in fact, the history of the Dzhunkovsky Foundation in the State Archives of the Russian Federation.

After the October Revolution, Dzhunkovsky remained in Russia, was arrested on September 14, 1918, tried by a revolutionary tribunal in May 1919, and spent about 3 years in prison. He was released on November 28, 1921.

We can't say exactly when he started working on the memoirs. So, according to Rosenthal, Dzhunkovsky began writing his memoirs while still in prison. However, according to V.D. Bonch-Bruevich, who bought Dzhunkovsky’s memoirs in early 1934 for the Central Literary Museum, “the idea of ​​writing memoirs was thrown to him by representatives of the Cheka when he was in the Taganka prison after the revolution, and he was so well told that he, after leaving prison, At first he began to remember everything, then he was drawn to paper and he began to write notes.

Already on February 1, 1934, assistant to the head of the Secret Political Department of the OGPU M.S. The hump asked for the archive and diary of M. Kuzmin, as well as the memoirs of Dzhunkovsky, “for study”. On April 28, 1934, a special commission of the Cultural Propaganda Department of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks checked the work of the State Literary Museum. Particular attention was paid to the museum's spending on the acquisition of manuscripts 34 .

About the memoirs of Dzhunkovsky, the commission reported the following to the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks: “The acquired materials of the former general Dzhunkovsky for 40,000 rubles. they have nothing to do with literature and are of no value to the museum, because consist solely of a description of the general's life. Bonch-Bruevich was forced to defend his employees in a letter to the People's Commissar of Education A.S. Bubnov on May 20, 1934: “You yourself looked through these memoirs and you know their value. About the “personality” of the “general” himself, it is unlikely that in all these eight volumes there will be more than 5 printed sheets ...

32 Rosenthal I.S. Pages of the life of General Dzhunkovsky // Centaur. 1994. No. 1. S. 101.

33 OR RSL. F. 369. K. 187. D. 17. L. 40.

34 Bogomolov N.A. Shumikhin SV. Preface to the diaries of M. Kuzmin // Kuzmin M. Diary. 1905 - 1907
SPb., 2000. S. 13.

therefore, I am most sincere.... I affirm and will always be able to prove that these memoirs will be an epoch in the memoir literature of our Russia” 35 .

At first, Dzhunkovsky was going to publish his memoirs in the publishing house of his friends M. and S. Sabashnikov in the memoir series “Records of the Past”, published since 1925. We can guess how the work on the memoirs proceeded from the notes that the author himself left in the text . Thus, in a handwritten volume of memoirs for 1912, Dzhunkovsky notes in brackets that he visited Metropolitan Macarius for the last time “in the past, i.e. in 1922" 36 .

“... I really always go everywhere with my stick, I go with it even now, when I write these lines 7 years later,” 37 Dzhunkovsky wrote in his memoirs for 1917. It is easy to calculate that these lines were written in 1924 .

In the first volume of his memoirs, describing his youth in the Corps of Pages and teachers, Dzhunkovsky says that history was taught to them by Menzhinsky, whose son "at the present time, when I am writing these lines, is at the head of the GPU" 38 . That is, it is obvious that it was written in 1926.

The memoirs for 1892 were accurately written in 1926 (“Elizaveta Alekseevna Skvortsova has been a midwife from the very foundation of the shelter to this day (1926)” 39).

Finally, in the memoirs for 1904, we find the following paragraph: “At present, when I write these lines, the icebreaker invented by him (SO. Makarov - A.D.) is used by the Soviet authorities and more recently one of these icebreakers, renamed "Krasina", accomplished a feat in the ice, rescuing several people from the Nobile expedition" 40 . That is, we can assume that this part was written in 1928-1929.

There. See Shumikhin SV. Letters to people's commissars / Knowledge is power. 1989. No. 6. S. 72.

GA RF. F. 826. Op. 1. D. 50. L. 335ob. - 336.

GA RF. F. 826. Op. 1. D. 59. L. 158-158ob.

There. D. 38. L. 26.

There. D. 40. L. 71-rev.

There. D. 45. L. 414.

In the printed version of the first volume, next to the words "took place

moving to a new apartment - also state-owned in the barracks of the L. Guards. equestrian

regiment against the Church of the Annunciation "Dzhunkovsky wrote by hand:" Now

this church does not exist, it was destroyed in 1929.” 41.

Thus, it is logical to assume that Dzhunkovsky began writing his memoirs in 1922 from his governorship and in 1924 reached 1918, the time of his retirement. And then in 1925 he began to write from the very beginning of his life and by 1929 had completed the entire manuscript and in 1930 - 1931. started rewriting it. By August 1933 most of the manuscripts had been typed on typewriter 42 .

Dzhunkovsky's memoirs are a documented chronicle public life Russian Empire, which he witnessed. If the majority of memoirists, as a rule, put themselves and their view of the events at the center of the narrative, then for Dzhunkovsky it is the state that is at the center of the narrative, and he himself is only a witness to the events, who is in one or another government post. Of course, at the beginning of the story, when it comes to childhood, there are not so many events of state life. To the greatest extent, one can speak about memories - the chronicle from the position of governor. But in general, the main goal for him was to show the panorama of the life of the monarchy and be as documented as possible. Day after day, apparently using his diary, Dzhunkovsky describes the events that took place in the Tsar's House (mostly ceremonials of the highest exits, coronations, burials), events in the State Duma, and, moving to his Moscow province, meetings of the provincial and county zemstvo assembly and city duma, national festivities, public events, opening of monuments, etc.

41 Ibid. D. 38. L. 8.

42 OR RSL. F. 369. K. 265. D. 12. L. 1.

18
On the pages of memoirs we meet many famous
personalities - D.A. Milyutina, F.N. Plevako, V.O. Klyuchevsky, Fr. John
Kronstadtsky and others. With special attention to Vladimir Fedorovich
used by artists of the Maly Theater, with whom he was very friendly.
Usually Dzhunkovsky was present at the celebrations famous people and
at their funeral. But also completely unknown residents of the province
are present on the pages of his memoirs - for example, the peasant Galdilkin,
who died rushing after the robbers who committed an armed
attack on the house of the merchant Lomtev. Such documentary memoirs
Dzhunkovsky is not accidental. After all, he had the opportunity to use them
writing his archive, deposited in the Pushkin House, which he
collected almost from childhood and which later became his personal
fund. h

When the “Academic Case” began in 1929, it was precisely the storage of the Dzhunkovsky archive in the Pushkin House that served as one of the reasons for accusing S.F. Platonov and his colleagues in anti-Soviet activities. Particularly emphasized was the fact that the former Deputy Minister of the Interior could freely use his archive. In this regard, 2 searches were made at Dzhunkovsky's, and he was summoned to the OPTU to testify about how his archive got into the Pushkin House. On November 9, 1929, Dzhunkovsky wrote a memorandum addressed to A.S. Yenukidze, in which he detailed the history of his archive. “From the very young years of my life, even from the Corps of Pages, in which I was brought up,” he wrote, “I collected memories of various events, newspapers, letters, and folded them very carefully, continuing this way until my retirement in 1918. Thus, I accumulated piles of folders on various events... In 1913, at the very beginning, I left Moscow, where I served as governor for 8 years. Moscow saw me off quite exclusively. I received a lot of addresses, bread and salt, gifts, albums, bands, images, they brought me scholarships, etc., literally from all segments of the population and from all

19 institutions, among which more than half were not directly related to me, such as theaters. All this formed the basis of my archive” 43 .

After the resignation from the post of Deputy Minister of the Interior in 1915, there was talk of transferring the archive to the Pushkin House. This was discussed in B.L. Modzalevsky. However, even after the return of Dzhunkovsky from the front, the archive could not be moved, and in September 1918 he was arrested. The archive was preserved by the housekeeper Daria Provorova, who lived in the family for more than 40 years, and after Dzhunkovsky was released from prison, he was finally able to transport it to the Pushkin House for storage, negotiating for himself the right to use it and take it back at any time.

In 1925, upon his arrival in Leningrad, Dzhunkovsky learned that, according to the decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, his archive belonged to the Pushkin House. Every year Dzhunkovsky came to Leningrad to work on his memoirs. Obviously, he took the documents he needed for subsequent rewriting or inserting them into the manuscript of his memoirs, and then returned them back.

Among those convicted in the "Academic case" was SV. Bakhrushin is one of the editors of Records of the Past, and in December 1930 M.V. Sabashnikov was arrested in another case, also fabricated by the NKVD. And although the investigation was terminated after a month and a half, M.V. Sabashnikov was released, the publishing house was on the verge of liquidation, about the publication of memoirs by V.F. Dzhunkovsky was out of the question.

In the fund of V.D. Bonch-Bruevich, his correspondence with Dzhunkovsky regarding the acquisition of his memoirs by the Central Museum of Fiction, Criticism and Journalism has been preserved. In his letter dated August 2, 1933, Dzhunkovsky, ceding his manuscripts to the Museum along with the exclusive right to publish them, stipulated the following conditions for publication and royalties: memoirs should

"Memorandum" by V.F. Dzhunkovsky November 9, 1929 A.S. Yenukidze about his archive kept in the Pushkin House//Archaeographic Yearbook for 2001. M., 2002. S. 416.

20 be published no earlier than 20 years from the time of the last event, i.e. not earlier than 1938, the royalties and assignment of copyrights were estimated by Dzhunkovsky at 80,000 rubles. (400 rubles per printed sheet) 44 . Bonch-Bruyevich wrote to him on January 10, 1934: “... we decided to buy your memoirs for 40,000 rubles. If you want the payment to be made as soon as possible, then deliver your notes to the working rooms of our museum (Rozhdestvenka, 5) and hand them over to N.P. Chulkov" 45 .

In 1948, the memoirs were received by the TsGIA, the current GA of the Russian Federation, and even earlier, in 1941, the materials that made up the Dzhunkovsky fund were transferred to the TsGIA from the State Archive of the Feudal-Serfdom Era. The fund materials and memoirs were combined in 1952. 46 In 1997, Dzhunkovsky's memoirs were partially published in 2 volumes, covering the period from 1905 to 1915. The publication was prepared by I.M. Pushkareva and Z.I. Peregudova, who wrote a detailed biographical sketch, as well as A.L. Panina.

In addition to memoirs, other matters of the foundation are of no less importance for this topic: Dzhunkovsky’s family correspondence (letters from sisters and brother to him), letters from friends and acquaintances, official documents related to the activities of ancestors (forms), philosophical writings by S.S. Dzhunkovsky, a scientist - agronomist, economist, figure of the Enlightenment era, as well as a large number of photographic documents. Most of the documents of the Dzhunkovsky fund used in this work are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.

To characterize Dzhunkovsky's official activities as governor, we also attracted other files from his personal fund: copies of governor's reports, circulars to zemstvo chiefs, announcements of the governor to the population, reports on trips around the province, press materials,

OR RGB. F. 369. K. 265. D. 12. L. 1-2.

OR RGB. F. 369. K. 143. D. 51. L. l-1-rev.

See the V.F. Dzhunkovsky in the State Archives of the Russian Federation. (F. 826.) S. 3, 14.

21 collected by Dzhunkovsky himself. In addition, the files of the office of the Moscow governor (CIAM, F. 17) were used.

To analyze the transformations of Dzhunkovsky in the political wanted list, we used the files of the Police Department fund (GARF. F. 102.), Related to the office work of the Special Department, as well as materials from the fund of the Headquarters of the Separate Corps of Gendarmes (GA RF. F. 110).

The following cases are of fundamental importance: “Case on the publication of a circular dated March 13, 1913, No. 111346 on the destruction of agents in the ground and naval forces” (F. 102. Op. 316. 1913. D. 210) 47, “The case of the abolition of certain security departments by circular on May 15, 1913, No. 99149 and 99691 and the renaming of the Don and Nikolaev security departments into search points "(F. 102. Op. 316. 1913. D. 366)," The case of the expansion and change of states gendarme departments and security departments. 1916" (F. 102. Op. 316. 1916. D. 100) 49 .

The work used circulars on various issues, sent out by the Police Department, signed by the NA. Maklakova, V.F. Dzhunkovsky, SP. Beletsky, V.A. Brun-de-Saint-Hippolyte, as well as orders signed by Dzhunkovsky as commander of the Separate Corps of Gendarmes.

To characterize the activities of Dzhunkovsky related to the observation of Grigory Rasputin, the diaries of outdoor surveillance of Rasputin, kept in the funds of the Petrograd NGO (GA RF. F. 111.) and the Moscow NGO (GA RF. F. 63.), As well as a separate the case of the Moscow Okhrana about Rasputin's stay in Moscow in the spring of 1915 (GA RF. F. 63. Op. 47. D. 484.)

The work also used a file from the G. Rasputin fund - reports to Dzhunkovsky of the head of the Tobolsk provincial gendarme department (GA RF. F. 612. D. 22).

47 This case is analyzed in full and in the context of Dzhunkovsky's reforms in the literature for the first time.

48 Some fundamentally important data of this case are presented in the literature for the first time.

49 This case is analyzed in full and in the context of Dzhunkovsky's reforms in the literature for the first time.

In the fund of the office of Comrade Minister of Internal Affairs V.F. Dzhunkovsky (GA RF. F. 270), official correspondence was used, as well as “The Case of Shornikova” (D. 48) and “On Lieutenant Colonel Myasoedov and Others” (D. 135).

Important for highlighting the role of Dzhunkovsky in the case of R. Malinovsky are interrogations from the fund of the Extraordinary Investigation Commission of the Provisional Government (GA RF. F. 1467).

Documents related to the activities of Dzhunkovsky as Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs were also deposited in the RGVIA, in the affairs of the fund of the Main Directorate of the General Staff: “Correspondence of the Main Directorate of the General Staff of a principled nature” (F. 2000. Op. 15. D. 452), “ About Lieutenant Colonel Myasoedov” (F. 2000. Op. 15. D. 568), “Manual on Counterintelligence in Wartime” (F. 2000. Op. 15. D. 828.). The Collection of Track Records fund has preserved the most complete official list of Dzhunkovsky, compiled at his retirement (F. 409. D. 147-521).

The Soviet period of Dzhunkovsky's life is analyzed on the materials of the investigative cases of 1921 and 1937 of the fund of state security agencies (GA RF. F. R - 10 035, D. 53985 and D. 74952) and the materials of Dzhunkovsky's personal fund in the Department of Manuscripts of the State Central Theater Museum named after. Bakhrushin (F. 91), which preserved the letters of A.F. Koni and E.V. Ponomareva to Dzhunkovsky of the Soviet period.

In addition to archival materials, the study used a wide range of published sources. First of all, these are legislative and regulatory documents: the Code of Laws of the Russian Empire, the Manual on Counterintelligence in Wartime, the Regulations on the Field Command of Troops in Wartime, the Regulations on Measures for the Protection of Highest Railway Travel.

23 In addition, we attracted the Journals of the Council for Local Economy Affairs, various collections of documents 50 . The study also used the memoirs of Dzhunkovsky's contemporaries - V.I. Gurko, D.N. Shipova, V.A. Maklakova, SE. Kryzhanovsky, M.V. Rodzianko. Particular attention is paid to the memoirs of Dzhunkovsky's colleagues in the political police - A.I. Spiridovich, A.P. Martynova, K.I. Globacheva, A.V. Gerasimov, P.P. Zavarzina, A.T. Vasiliev, as well as published testimonies that they and other former dignitaries gave to the Extraordinary Investigation Commission of the Provisional Government. In addition to periodicals (newspapers), the dissertation used materials from the specialized journal "Police Bulletin" for 1912-1915.

Methodological basis of the dissertation determined by the characteristics of the tasks. According to the principle of historicism, we consider the activities of Dzhunkovsky in the context of specific circumstances and characteristics of the historical era.

However, when analyzing the value world of Dzhunkovsky, we cannot but use methodological directions related to the understanding of the Other. In particular, for a correct assessment of Dzhunkovsky's reforms in the political search and the reaction of his subordinates to them, it is necessary to understand the peculiarities of the worldview of both Dzhunkovsky and his opponents. Therefore, the application of the principles of the historical-anthropological approach, according to which "the study of mentalities, ideologies inherent in certain groups, their value systems and social behavior is an integral component of the study" 51, seems to be very productive in this case.

50 Stolypin P.A. reform program. Documents and materials. In 2 volumes, M., 2002; Case of a provocateur
Malinovsky. M., 1992; Undercover work of the political police of the Russian Empire: a collection
documents, 1880-1917. M. - St. Petersburg, 2006; The revolutionary movement in the army and navy during the First
world war. M., 1966. Nikitinsky I.I. From the history of Russian counterintelligence. Collection of documents. M.,
1946.

51 Gurevich A.Ya. Historical Synthesis and the Annales School. M., 1993. S. 273.

24 Founder this direction M. Blok defined the subject of history "in the exact and final sense as the consciousness of people." He argues that "relationships that develop between people, mutual influences and even confusion that arises in their minds - they constitute the true reality for the historian." Another prominent representative of the Annales school, L. Fevre, agrees with him, who believed that “the task of the historian is to try to understand people who have witnessed certain facts that are later imprinted in their minds in order to be able to

interpret."

Since this study is of a biographical nature, it is important to take into account the latest methodological guidelines developed in the process of developing the genre of historical biography, where recently there has been a turn of interest from a “typical person” to a specific individual, and an extraordinary individual, or at least able to take in difficult circumstances non-standard solutions 55 . At the same time, “the personal life and fate of individual historical individuals, the formation and development of their inner world, the “traces” of their activities ... act simultaneously as a strategic goal of research and as an adequate means of knowing the historical society that includes them and is created by them, and thus are used to clarify social context ... ". This task requires the study of texts "in terms of the content and nature of the complexes imprinted in them. interpersonal relationships, behavioral strategies, individual identities” 57 .

52 Blok M. Apology of history, or the craft of the historian. M., 1986. S. 18.

53 Ibid. S. 86.

55 Repina L.P. Social history in the historiography of the XX century: scientific traditions and new approaches. M.,
1998, p. 58.

56 Ibid. S. 59.

Scientific novelty of the research is that for the first time in domestic and foreign historiography, a comprehensive study of the personality and state practice of Dzhunkovsky was undertaken on materials from various funds, which allows not only to create a multifaceted image of one of the brightest representatives of the bureaucratic elite of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century, but also to fruitfully solve problems related to with his activities.

For the first time in historiography, the previously very briefly covered or completely undescribed periods of Dzhunkovsky's life are considered in detail (childhood, the Corps of Pages, administrative activity before the governorship, the period of service in the army during the First World War, Soviet period), which are important for understanding how his world of values ​​was formed and assessing Dzhunkovsky's behavior in the situation of its destruction.

An important addition to Dzhunkovsky's biography is information about his maternal ancestors (Rachets), which is presented in the work about him for the first time. The writings of Dzhunkovsky's grandfather on the part of his father, Stepan Semenovich Dzhunkovsky, a well-known scientist and statesman of the 18th century, are of independent importance for the first time introduced into scientific circulation. The new information makes it possible to trace the influence of the tradition of serving the enlightened monarchy, laid down by the ancestors, on the worldview and political views of Dzhunkovsky.

For the first time, the attitude of Dzhunkovsky, the governor, to Stolypin's laws, as well as his relationship with representatives of the liberal public, which are important for the reconstruction of his political views, is analyzed in detail.

Dzhunkovsky's transformations in the political search are considered in the study as a systemic plan of the reformer in the context of Stolypin's modernization. For the first time, the problematic field of communication between Dzhunkovsky and representatives of the "guards" and those actions,

26 undertaken by Dzhunkovsky's successors after his resignation, Dzhunkovsky's contribution to the reform of the political investigation bodies is evaluated. In preparing this work, new documents have been introduced into scientific circulation that are important not only for studying Dzhunkovsky's official career, but also for the history of political investigation and counterintelligence bodies as separate institutions related to the history of Russian state institutions.

The dissertation explores little-studied aspects of plots known in historiography related to Grigory Rasputin (Scandal at the Yar restaurant), S.N. Myasoedov (“The Case of Lieutenant Colonel Myasoedov”), R.V. Malinovsky (taking Malinovsky into the Fourth Duma and his withdrawal from it), the operation "Trust", and the myths about the role that Dzhunkovsky allegedly played in them are exposed. When considering these stories, the reliability of the memoirs of the head of the Moscow security department A.P. Martynov and the head of the Petrograd security department K.I. Mr. Globachev, recently introduced into scientific circulation.

An analysis of the “extracts” from G. Rasputin’s surveillance diaries, which establishes their authenticity, makes it possible to refute the version of the slandered “holy elder”, which is based on the assertion that the “extracts” are fake.

The practical significance of the study lies in the fact that its results can be used in the preparation of various manuals and lecture courses on the history of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century, in particular on the history of the political police and the bureaucratic elite of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century.

Approbation of the research results was conducted by the author in the form of reports at a special seminar for graduate students of the Department of Russian History of Modern Times of the Russian State Humanitarian University (headed by Prof., Doctor of Historical Sciences L.G. Berezovaya) and at four all-Russian conferences “State institutions of Russia in the XX-XXI centuries: traditions and innovations” (RGGU, 2008) and "The World in Modern Times" (St. Petersburg State University, 2008,2009,2010).

27 The research results are also reflected in 10 publications (including three journals from the list approved by the Higher Attestation Commission). The scientific results presented in the publications influenced the opinion of the American scientists J. Daly and R. Robbins about the activities of Dzhunkovsky, with whom the author discussed problems related to the topic, and entered into a certain

academic context. The dissertation was discussed at a meeting of the Department of Modern Russian History of the Russian State University for the Humanities and recommended for defense.

The structure of the dissertation corresponds to the main stages of the biography of V.F. Dzhunkovsky. The work consists of an introduction, four chapters, a conclusion, an appendix (photographs), a list of sources (unpublished and published) and references.

58 Article “The Corps of Pages of His Imperial Majesty in the fate of Lieutenant-General V.F. Dzhunkovsky”//Russian Cadet Roll Call. 2008. No. 5. pp. 174-192. URL: : 189 cited in R. Robbins. See Robbins R. Was Vladimir Dzhunkovskii the Father of the "Trust"?: A Quest for the Plausible//Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography. 1 (2008). P. 140.

Family traditions and family education

According to a family legend, the Dzhunkovsky family dates back to the Mongol prince Murza-Khang-Dzhunk, who arrived in Moscow in the 16th century. under Vasily III as part of the embassy. From him came the voivode Ksendzovsky, who owned the Dzhunkovka estate in Galicia, whose offspring was divided into two branches - Russian and Galician. “The ancestor of the Russian branch is Colonel Kondraty Dzhunkovsky of Chernigov, his son Stepan was the regimental captain of the Nezhinsky regiment, and then archpriest Baturinsky. This latter had a son Semyon, also a Protopop and he has three sons of a priest, one of them Semyon Semenovich is my great-grandfather, and his son Stepan Semenovich is my grandfather,” Dzhunkovsky wrote in his memoirs.

According to the genealogist O.V. Shcherbachev, during the XVIII century. most of the representatives of the Dzhunkovsky family were priests and owned estates in Lebedinsky and Koropsky districts (Novgorod-Seversky viceroy, Sloboda-Ukrainian, and then Kharkov province). From the end of the XVIII century. many of them enter the military and civil service. Various branches of the Dzhunkovsky family were included in the 2nd and 3rd parts of the Genealogical Books of Kharkov, St. Petersburg, Poltava, Chernigov and Kaluga provinces. Some branches of the family, which did not prove nobility, remained in the priestly class.

The immediate ancestors of V.F. Dzhunkovsky were poor landowners. In 1829, his paternal grandfather Stepan Semenovich Dzhunkovsky (1762 - 1839), making amendments to the track record of 1828, crossed out the entry “A small amount of land in the Sloboda-Ukrainian province in the Lebedinsky district, yard three souls” and inscribed “acquired estate, two souls of yard servants”61.

However, at the same time, at the beginning of the formulary list, the rank of Privy Councilor (3rd class according to the Table of Ranks) was indicated, which Stepan Semenovich, having no noble ancestors, received thanks to his outstanding abilities and successful public service. He made a truly historic breakthrough in the position of the family, enabling the descendants of the Little Russian archpriests to take high positions in the system of state administration of the empire.

According to the official biography of S.S. Dzhunkovsky, read after his death in the Free Economic Society, of which he was secretary for more than 25 years, Stepan Semenovich was born in the city of Lebedin, where his father, a nobleman and priest, tried to give him the best education. “Young Dzhunkovsky, having only six years of age, already read Russian and Slavic books well, and in these infantile years he read to his grandmother (daughter of the hetman Polubotok) the entire Minei-Chetya; being eight years old, he went to school every day at five o'clock in the morning, which was almost two versts from his parents' house ... ".

V.F. Dzhunkovsky and the Stolypin modernization program

Dzhunkovsky became governor at a turning point, when, having survived the Revolution of 1905, the country entered a new era - the era of the Duma monarchy. New Prime Minister P.A. Stolypin, with the participation of the people's representation - the State Duma - put into practice the principles of the Manifesto of October 17, 1905 in the form of an extensive program of reforms - a whole package of legislative acts that were supposed to qualitatively change all spheres of life in Russia.

The gubernatorial post, in the view of the bureaucratic elite of the Russian Empire, was a certificate of administrative maturity and often a necessary stage in a successful career194. A significant part of the heads of central departments had experience in the governor's service, not to mention the leadership of the Ministry of Internal Affairs - out of 21 ministers from P.A. Valuev to A.D. Protopopov 13 in the past were either governors-general, or governors, or vice-governors. Among them were those who had been to all these posts and more than once195.

According to the Penza governor I. Koshko, without connections in high society good man becoming a governor was almost impossible. The absence of a fixed procedure for appointing a governor was pointed out at the beginning of the 20th century. and liberal lawyer A. Blinov, who wrote that "everything depends on the case and especially on patronage." This point of view is shared by the modern researcher A.S. Minakov, arguing that “it was impossible to earn a governorship by one's efforts in the service. As a rule, no one noticed an official without patronage and did not promote him through the ranks. But it was easier to “promote” a capable, experienced official, who possessed some merits”198.

At the same time, the American specialist R. Robbins comes to a different conclusion. Without denying the importance of favoritism and connections in gubernatorial appointments, Robbins writes that “for three and a half decades, the Department of the Interior developed and refined a system of criteria by which the professional status of a candidate for governor was determined. Something like a governor’s corps appeared, a kind of personnel reserve for appointment to the post of governor”199. On the decrease in the role of the military principle and the strengthening of the civilian principle in the governor's service, as well as on the professionalization of governor's activities, which was especially noticeable from the 2nd half of the 19th century. writes in his monograph and L.M. Lysenko.

In the hierarchy of the prestige of the provinces, it was Moscow that stood in the first place, the “owner” of this province was especially close to the emperor, tsars were crowned here and, unlike St. the governor was really the complete master of the province.

Applying the above to Dzhunkovsky, we can say that in addition to the high patronage of the Grand Duke and Grand Duchess, he certainly had the necessary administrative and economic experience gained during his work in the Moscow Guardianship of People's Sobriety, where representatives of both administrative and and public administration of Moscow.

Transformations in the political wanted list in the context of police reform in Russia

P.A. Reform Program Stolypin assumed the introduction of certain changes in the structure and methods of the police service. Back in the autumn of 1906, an Interdepartmental Commission on the transformation of the police in the empire was created under the chairmanship of Senator A.A. Makarov. The aim of the reform was to create in Russia a legal police institution that would earn respect from the population. The work of the commission dragged on, and only in 1911 did Makarov present the police reform program to the Council of Ministers. At the end of 1912, when the project, after agreeing on the amendments, was to be submitted for consideration by the Duma, N.A. Maklakov, who replaced A.A. Makarov as Minister of the Interior, recognized the need to subject the draft law to additional consideration. The project was revised at a special meeting under the Ministry of Internal Affairs chaired by Maklakov, with the participation of some governors and "the closest officials knowledgeable in police matters central control internal affairs." On September 11, 1913, the draft was submitted to the IV State Duma, where a special commission was formed to consider it354.

It was Maklakov who invited Dzhunkovsky in early 1913 to the post of Deputy Minister of the Interior, thanks to which he took part in the work of the ministerial meeting and the Duma commission. In the journal "Police Bulletin" dated January 14, 1913, an article appeared about the new Minister of the Interior, who stated: "We all should have one goal - to strengthen state power, strong, benevolent and calm ... working for the benefit of the population of Russia. The path leading to this goal is one, the only one, there is no other and cannot be: this is the law approved and approved by His Imperial Majesty. Two weeks later, the Bulletin of the Police introduced the readers to the new Deputy Minister, head of the police, V.F. Dzhunkovsky.

On February 28, 1913, the magazine reported that at the reception of the senior officials of the GZhU and St. Petersburg. 00 Dzhunkovsky expressed the wish that “the information service should be set up not only widely, but also thoroughly, so that in this way, as far as possible, unfounded searches and arrests are prevented. In addition, those presenting themselves were explicitly told that in their activities they should avoid everything that could cause fundamental discontent among the population”356.

This wish was followed by specific actions of the new Comrade Minister. On February 28, 1913, Dzhunkovsky's circular was sent to the governors-general, governors, town governors, heads of provincial, regional, city and county ZhU and OO on the extension of the terms of arrests for persons detained on the basis of the Regulations on Measures to Protect State Order and Public Peace. Dzhunkovsky reminded of the need to accurately execute the previous circular of July 5, 1911, according to which such an arrest could not last more than 2 months. In the case of a request for an extension, it was necessary to indicate why the “security correspondence” could not end within this period. Dzhunkovsky proposed to be guided by this circular in cases where petitions "are initiated against persons who have already been detained for a month by order of local authorities." At the same time, he allowed to extend the arrest for the future only for one month, with the exception of particularly valid cases (the need to install illegal persons, travel long distances to carry out investigative actions, postal relations with remote areas)

Dec. 13th, 2010 | 07:28pm

Hello! I am Anastasia Dunaeva, Candidate of Historical Sciences,
email mail [email protected]

Dear friends,
February 26, 2013 Public Relations Committee of the Government of Moscow, Parish of the Church of the Holy New Martyrs and Confessors of Russia in Butovo and the Butovo Memorial Center officially celebrated the 75th anniversary of the execution of V.F. Dzhunkovsky at the Butovo training ground as a day of his memory. See more here

AT September 2012 in the publishing house "Joint edition of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia" published my monograph on
Vladimir Fedorovich Dzhunkovsky, Moscow Governor (1905 - 1912), Deputy Minister of the Interior and commander of the Separate Corps of Gendarmes (1913 - 1915).
The book can be purchased at the publishing house (the price of the publishing house is 330 rubles) at the address: Moscow, Ivanovsky proezd, 18. (on the territory of the park "Dubki"),
phone: 8-499-977-31-16., Viktor Vasilyevich Kirsanov

You can get acquainted with it in the library of the Russian Diaspora House
http://www.domrz.ru/?mod=phpopac&lang=&action=lire.livre&cle_livre=0338533

The book can be purchased here

It is also available here

in 2010 I defended my Ph.D. thesis on the topic
"V.F. Dzhunkovsky: political views and state activity (late 19th - early 20th centuries)" at the Russian State University for the Humanities.

Continued transmission on the radio "Grad Petrov" (2.3)
http://vk.com/wall-1109146_627

Article from the collection "XIV Elizabethan Readings" (Moscow, 2012).
http://ricolor.org/history/mn/romanov/serg_romanov/25_10_12/#_edn6

Publication in the Rodina magazine with V.F. Dzhunkovsky on the cover (210 years of the Ministry of Internal Affairs) - No. 11, 2012
http://www.istrodina.com/rodina_articul.php3?id=4997&n=197

Publication in the magazine "Rodina" No. 8, 2012
http://www.istrodina.com/rodina_articul.php3?id=4882&n=194

I suggest you get acquainted with the publication about the Soviet period in the life of Vladimir Fedorovich Dzhunkovsky.
Magazine "Motherland" 2010 No. 3, S. 105 - 109.
http://istrodina.com/rodina_articul.php3?id=3427&n=155

"FOR THE LORD THE CRUSADER IT IS IMPOSSIBLE TO GO WITHOUT THE CROSS..."

Vladimir Dzhunkovsky in Soviet Russia

Photo taken in 1911.

Vladimir Fedorovich Dzhunkovsky - Moscow Governor (1905-1912), Deputy Minister of the Interior and commander of the Separate Corps of Gendarmes (1913-1915) - was a talented administrator who earned the respect and love of the inhabitants of the province; he showed himself as a reformer, heading the political police of the empire.
Having not left Russia after the October Revolution, Vladimir Fedorovich left multi-volume memoirs, in which he not only covered his activities, but also drew an extensive panorama of life in Russia at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries, completing the story with his retirement at the end of 1917.
Dzhunkovsky could not have imagined what great interest the descendants would have on that stage of his life when he retired from public affairs.
The Soviet period turned out to be the most difficult and tragic in his fate: he was arrested in September 1918, he survived participation as a witness in the trial of Roman Malinovsky3, the revolutionary tribunal in May 1919, in 1938 he was shot at the Butovo training ground.

But it was not so much the vicissitudes of life that aroused interest. ex man”, how much is his alleged cooperation with the bodies of the Cheka - OGPU - NKVD and his possible development of the famous operation "Trust". Allegations of such cooperation, not supported by hard evidence, appear not only in the works of fiction writers, but also in the writings of professional historians.
In 2000, T. Gladkov, a writer and popularizer of the history of domestic special services, described in detail the beginning of Operation Trust. According to him, F. E. Dzerzhinsky summoned Dzhunkovsky from the Smolensk province and convinced him that his patriotic duty was to serve the new Russian state. “Time has left no documents that would explain the motives that brought Dzhunkovsky to the service of the Cheka. And the archives are silent, ”says another writer, E. Makarevich, who attributes Dzhunkovsky, allegedly summoned to the Cheka from his Smolensk estate, both cooperation on technical issues and the development of the Trust and Syndicate-2 operations. However, the archives are not silent, it's just that not all researchers have access to the secret documents of the FSB. At the moment, we have at our disposal the materials of Dzhunkovsky's investigation files for 1921 and 1937, transferred from the FSB to the GARF, and we can restore the chronology of his relationship with the bodies of the Cheka - OGPU - NKVD. File P-53985 contains a draft letter to Dzerzhinsky, chairman of the Cheka, from the arrested citizen Vladimir Dzhunkovsky, who was brought from Smolensk on November 4, 1918, where he was held in custody for seven weeks without interrogation or charges. He described his arrest as follows: “Since the beginning of this year, I have been living in Petrograd all the time, not hiding my past service, impeccably referring to all orders of the Soviet government ... I survived all the time of the Red Terror after the murder of Comrade. Uritsky and during this time was neither arrested nor subjected to a search. I decided to go to the Ukraine solely to take a break from the hardships of Petrograd in the sense of lack of food supplies and high cost, with the intention of settling with my relatives in the city of Putivl, Kursk province, or in a village in the Poltava province. And if you managed to get a job there with your relatives for the winter, then return for your sister and niece. I had no intention of entering the service in Ukraine, because, firstly, I am a sick person, and secondly, I am primarily Russian, and not an independent, I myself come from the Poltava province, which is why I received a Ukrainian passport, but oh I did not apply for renunciation of Russian citizenship and had no claims for any benefits of a Ukrainian citizen ... In Orsha, the commission, having looked at my documents, recognized them as correct, but then one employee of the Extraordinary Commission appeared and asked me if my former comrade was a relative . minister. Having received the answer that it was myself, he suggested that I go with things to the Extraordinary Investigative Commission, where I was detained.
At the end of the letter, Dzhunkovsky added: “Everyone who knows me, and almost the entire Moscow province knows me, will confirm that I could make mistakes, but I never lied. He always spoke the truth to everyone's face under the old regime, and has not changed even now under Soviet power.

V.F. Dzhunkovsky. Costume ball in winter palace. February 1903.

On January 16, 1919, the doctors who examined Dzhunkovsky found that he had a degeneration of the heart muscle, general arteriosclerosis, enlargement of the aorta with attacks of angina pectoris, and other diseases. They stated that Dzhunkovsky "because of his health is unable to work, and any physical labor can be life-threatening." And on May 5 and 6, 1919, he was tried at the Moscow Revolutionary Tribunal. With a wide announcement by the chairman of the court, J. Kh. Peters, all persons who could show something against him were summoned. The process was open and took place in the hall of the former Merchant Assembly. M. V. Voloshina-Sabashnikova recalled that the appearance of Dzhunkovsky made a great impression: “A long beard, which he had never worn before, and large shining eyes made his face look like an icon-painting face. It radiated majestic calmness. When he entered the hall, he was surrounded by peasants, with whom he cordially greeted. He was given milk, bread, eggs. Answering questions from the court, Dzhunkovsky confirmed that, being a deputy minister of internal affairs, he opposed Rasputin in order to strengthen the royal power, because it would be low and simply mean of him if, while serving the sovereign, he would not want to strengthen his power .
All the witnesses who spoke in court spoke in defense of Dzhunkovsky. A representative of artisans-philistines from the village of Vladimiro-Dzhunkovsky told how Vladimir Fedorovich helped them get land. The village was named after the benefactor. An employee of the Moscow guardianship of people's sobriety claimed that he cared about "good and cheap" food for the people. The actors of the Art Theater said that Dzhunkovsky lifted the censorship ban on the play "Julius Caesar". In his last speech, Dzhunkovsky said: “I came to the revolutionary tribunal with a clear conscience, I leave with a clear conscience and accept any sentence, no matter how severe it may be.” Despite the fact that the judicial investigation did not establish the facts of executions of workers and peasants by direct order of Dzhunkovsky, he, being a staunch monarchist, according to the court, was dangerous for the Soviet government in the context of the Civil War. The court sentenced him to imprisonment in a concentration camp until the end of the Civil War without amnesty."
Obviously, for health reasons, Dzhunkovsky was placed in the Taganka prison, where he was in charge of the rabbit-breeding department. According to the memoirs of Prince S. E. Trubetskoy, he enjoyed the exclusive respect of the prison guards. They still remembered his visits to the prison as governor. “It was amusing to see how, when the head of the prison passed, the guard casually saluted him (sometimes sitting!), The prince later wrote, “and how these same old-timers pulled themselves into line and clearly saluted Dzhunkovsky, who walked through the prison in his dirty work apron” . In June 1920, due to an aggravated illness, he was placed in the hospital of the city health department with bail to his sister Evdokia Fedorovna.
According to intelligence reports, Dzhunkovsky “daily went for a walk in the city without an escort, went to his sister’s apartment, dined there, attended vigils, visited prominent counter-revolutionary clergy ... he was often visited by dignitaries like Count Tatishchev, Prince Muratov, Sabashnikov M V., Prince Shcherbatov N.S., who serves as the director of the historical museum, generals and people who previously held prominent posts ... Dzhunkovsky conducts very unlimited correspondence, eluding attention due to the use of live mail mainly ... Dzhunkovsky has relations with counter-revolutionary elements that are trying with all their might to undermine the authority of the authorities, enjoys serious authority and can thus give guidance for possible counter-revolutionary machinations.
As a result of the searches carried out at Dzhunkovsky, Samarin and Shcherbatov, nothing was found, but despite this, on February 9, 1921, Dzhunkovsky was again placed in the Taganka prison. On February 18, the Presidium of the Cheka issued a resolution: "... to take into custody to serve further punishment, according to the verdict of the Moscow Revolutionary Tribunal."
On March 23, by order of the Cheka, Dzhunkovsky was transferred to the inner prison of the Special Department of the Cheka, and on April 4 - to Butyrka prison. “For what reason I was placed first in the internal prison of the Cheka, and then 12 days later in Butyrskaya, I don’t know, because. nothing was announced to me, and I was not interrogated ... "-
Dzhunkovsky wrote to Samsonov, a member of the Board of the Cheka, on May 21, 1921. By this time, Dzhunkovsky's sentence had already been changed: on November 7, 1920, the Moscow Revolutionary Tribunal replaced the term of his imprisonment - until the end of the Civil War - by five years. On June 3, 1921, a meeting of the Moscow Revolutionary Tribunal was held for his early release on the basis of a decree of March 25, 1921, but the release was temporarily rejected until the suppression of gangs in the Far East.

V. F. Dzhunkovsky during his imprisonment in the Taganka prison (1919-1921).
The portrait is kept by Olga Valentinovna
Savchenko, great granddaughters of 0.F. Gerschelman, sisters of Dzhunkovsky.

On July 2, 1921, the decision of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on the release of Dzhunkovsky took place, and on July 4, an order from the Moscow Revolutionary Tribunal with a decision of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee was received in the Butyrka prison. The Butyrka prison asked the Cheka if there were any obstacles to his release. The answer was that he could not be temporarily released. “I ask the Moscow Department of Justice very much to find out how I should now be registered, on what rights,” Dzhunkovsky wrote on September 25, 1921 from the Moscow prison hospital, where he was placed on August 31.
On November 28, according to a coupon received by the head of the Butyrka prison, Dzhunkovsky was to be immediately released from arrest “by order of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of November 25. and the order of Comrade Unshlikht dated November 26, 1921.
According to the memoirs of Voloshina-Sabashnikova, before the release of Dzhunkovsky, his deeply religious sister Evdokia Fedorovna heard in a dream the singing of a prayer service with an appeal to three saints, whose names she had never heard before. AT church calendar it was written that these saints are the patrons of the captives, and she sent a prayer to her brother in prison so that he himself could pray to them. On the day of the celebration of these saints, she asked the priest to serve them a prayer service at her home. During this service, Dzhunkovsky entered the room. He was suddenly ordered to pack his things and announced that he was released. “The driver who drove him from prison saw that both the highest and lowest prison staff went out of the gate, seeing him off, and asked him along the way: “Who are you that all the staff sees you off with honor?” - "I am Dzhunkovsky." “Are you related to our governor?” —
"I am the most." - "How! The driver stopped the horse and got off the goat. "Let me see you...
With that beard, I wouldn't recognize you for anything. Today I will go around all the tea houses and tell all the cabbies that our governor has been released.
On Easter, April 16, Dzhunkovsky was in the Temple of the Iberian community, and on April 24 he was again summoned to the Lubyanka and interrogated, and in the protocol of interrogation in the column "political convictions" it was written - "monarchist", and in the column "occupation" - " home teacher (now)." To the question: “Have you ever campaigned while reading a poster about the seizure of church valuables?” - Dzhunkovsky answered: “I say in the affirmative that I have never conducted such agitation and I have never been in the crowd.”
On August 16, 1922, on the basis of a warrant from the GPU, a search was carried out in his house. "Various correspondence and photographic cards" were confiscated. The note to the protocol says: “... c. Dzhunkovsky is currently lying with a broken leg of the patient. In January 1923, Sheshkin, an employee of the SO GPU, wrote in his conclusion on the Dzhunkovsky case that, according to intelligence data, he had dealt with counter-revolutionary elements, but the search and investigative development of these data were not confirmed. At a meeting of the Board of the GPU on January 31, they decided to close the case and hand it over to the archive. Thus, the change in the conditions of Dzhunkovsky's detention at the beginning of 1921 and his sudden release in November of the same year was not connected with his participation in Operation Trust, as the American historian R. Robbins suggested in his article. There were real reasons for the tightening of Dzhunkovsky's prison regime, although he himself apparently did not consider socializing with friends and going to church to be counter-revolutionary activities. It is hard to believe that a person who was recognized by the court as a “convinced monarchist” and later suspected of anti-Soviet machinations could be involved in a secret operation. At the same time, the process of his release was going on. The Cheka granted Dzhunkovsky's request to be transferred to solitary confinement and, ultimately, to a prison hospital, that is, it cannot be said that unbearable conditions were created for him.
Until September 25, 1921, Dzhunkovsky knew nothing about his new position. Surveillance and searches after his release indicate that he was not trusted. Despite the loyalty of the Soviet authorities, Dzhunkovsky, still remaining a deeply religious person, of course, could not approve of the closure and destruction of churches, which is indirectly evidenced by a note in his memoirs about the destruction of the church, which he went to as a child with his parents.
In addition, there is evidence of B. I. Gudz, a contemporary of the events who took part in the Trust operation, who, in an interview with N. Dolgopolov, stated: “... if Dzhunkovsky worked for the Trust, Artuzov and Styrna would tell me say this

VF Dzhunkovsky with his niece 0. D. Gerschelman in the last years of his life.
The photo is kept by Olga Valentinovna
Savchenko, great granddaughters 0. F. Gerschelman, sisters of Dzhunkovsky. Reproduced for the first time.

but I never heard of such a thing from them in my life.” The President of the Society for the Study of the History of Domestic Special Services, Doctor of Historical Sciences A. A. Zdanovich, who thoroughly studied the archives of the Trust while working on his doctoral dissertation, also claims that Dzhunkovsky had nothing to do with this operation. There is no mention of Dzhunkovsky in the Trust case. In his secret note from 1932 about this operation, written for internal use, V. A. Styrna also says nothing about consultations or participation of Dzhunkovsky.
In 1922, the woman whom he had loved all his life, Antonina Vasilievna Evreinova, left Russia forever. On March 26, 1923, Dzhunkovsky sent her a postcard with an image of an icon, on which he wrote: “You cannot follow the Lord the Crusader without a cross. What is a cross? All sorts of inconveniences, hardships and sorrows, leaning from without and from within on the path of conscientious fulfillment of the commandments of the Lord in life in the spirit of his prescriptions and requirements. Such a cross is fused with a Christian in such a way that where there is a Christian, there is this cross, and where there is no such cross, there is no Christian. All-round preferential treatment for life's pleasures is not befitting a true Christian. His task is to cleanse and correct himself ... "
Dzhunkovsky also corresponded with A.F. Koni. On January 26, 1927, Vladimir Fedorovich, congratulating Koni on his birthday, wrote: “Dear, highly esteemed Anatoly Fedorovich, I often mentally transfer to you, especially in some difficult moments that you often have to go through now. There are fewer and fewer people with whom one could talk and be understood, and not because they leave, but because rarely anyone does not change and begins to look at things with different eyes.
In the 1920s, Dzhunkovsky gave private French lessons. According to some reports, he served as a watchman in the church29. For more than 10 years, Vladimir Fedorovich worked on his multi-volume memoirs, which in March 1934 were acquired by the Central Museum of Fiction, Criticism and Journalism. At the same time, Dzhunkovsky sold to the museum a well-known portrait of A. S. Pushkin’s daughter Natalya Alexandrovna Pushkina-Merenberg, painted by I. K. Makarov, which is now in the Pushkin Museum-Apartment on
Moika in St. Petersburg. Vladimir Fedorovich maintained friendly relations with M. A. Pushkina-Gartung.
To write his memoirs, Dzhunkovsky used his personal archive, which he collected throughout his life and after the revolution transferred to the Pushkin House for storage.
When the “Academic Case” began in 1929, it was precisely the storage of the Dzhunkovsky archive that served as one of the reasons for accusing S. F. Platonov and his colleagues of anti-Soviet activities. In this regard, two searches were made at Dzhunkovsky's, and he was summoned to the OGPU to testify how his archive got into the Pushkin House.
Evdokia Fedorovna, who dearly loved her younger brother, always cared for him, died on November 8, 1935. After the issuance of order No. 00447 of July 30, 1937 on the repression of former kulaks, criminals and other anti-Soviet elements, which also meant former officials tsarist Russia, the fate of Dzhunkovsky was a foregone conclusion. On the night of December 3-4, 1937, he was arrested on charges of counter-revolutionary activities. During interrogation on December 5, Dzhunkovsky did not hide the fact that he served in the tsarist army and actively fought against the revolutionary movement. However, he pleaded not guilty. The reason for his accusation was the testimony of two janitors of the house on Begovaya Street, where Dzhunkovsky spent his last years, Abdul Khasyanov and Sergei Zhogov. The latter testified that Dzhunkovsky told him: “Well, here, Sergey Afanasyevich, you yourself see what the Bolsheviks brought the people to, to hunger and poverty, but before it was, it’s nice to remember - cheap products, cheap clothes and shoes ... now they are not leaders but the bosses who live on the people's money.
Dzhunkovsky's nieces, N. Shebashova and E. Makarenko, sent a letter to I.V. Stalin, in which they asked to release him, indicating that he had never opposed the Soviet regime, and at present "is ill with angina pectoris and heart disease and needs constant medical supervision and care, he, of course, does not have long to live.
The letter did not reach Stalin. However, the mention in the letter of consultations that Dzhunkovsky gave to the OGPU delayed the inevitable end for some time. Indeed, already on December 19, 1937, an indictment was drawn up with a decision: “Submit the case for consideration by the “troika”. On December 28, answering the investigator’s question: “When and why were you called to the OGPU - NKVD bodies?”, Dzhunkovsky said: “I was called to the OGPU 3 times, the first time I was called in 1928 to the OGPU officer Andreeva on the issue of the arrivals of foreigners, Andreeva was interested in what was the procedure for the arrival of foreigners before 1917. Moreover, during the conversation with Andreeva, another employee of the OGPU was present (I don’t know his last name, with 4 rhombuses - insignia). The second time I called in 1932 to Andreeva and the same employee, to whom I called in 1928, but I didn’t have a conversation with Andreeva, because she took me to another office to Mikhail Sergeevich (I don’t know his last name) ... my conversation with Mikhail Sergeevich lasted up to 4 hours on the issue of the passport system. The third time I was summoned in 1933 to the OGPU to Mikhail Sergeyevich on the issue of the structure of the Ministry of the Interior, where I gave detailed information about the structure of the Ministry of the Interior and on the issue of security when traveling on the emperor's railways. I was no longer called to the OGPU-NKVD.
Memories of the last days of Dzhunkovsky in Butyrka prison were left by the famous writer R.V. Ivanov-Razumnik: “He was a charming old man, lively and cheerful, despite his seventy years, ironically referring to his Butyrka position. During the three days of our neighborhood, he told me so many interesting things about the past days that it would be enough for a whole book. To my great regret, he was taken away from us, where we could not guess. In the absence of any physical evidence, according to the decision of the judicial "troika" of February 21, 1938, Dzhunkovsky was shot at the Butovo training ground on February 26, 1938. There is no separate grave for him.
On the basis of Article 1 of the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of January 16, 1989, Dzhunkovsky was posthumously rehabilitated. On May 8, 1994, the Poklonny Cross was consecrated at the Butovo training ground.
In 2007, Patriarch Alexy II of Moscow and All Russia blessed the river procession for the transfer from Solovki to Butovo of the Great Cross, made in the Solovetsky Monastery of the Transfiguration of the Savior. This cross was installed next to the Church of the Resurrection of Christ and the Holy New Martyrs and Confessors of Russia. The event had a great public outcry.
On August 8, 2007, on the day of the seventieth anniversary of the start of executions at the Butovo firing range, hundreds of people came to honor the memory of the victims.
Vladimir Fedorovich Dzhunkovsky served Russia with dignity all his life. The cross, consecrated in memory of all the victims of terror, completed the history of his earthly life.

Text and photographs by A. Dunaev, Ph.D. When using a link to the journal is required!

magazine "Rodina" is available at all distribution points

Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich, Grand Duchess
Elizaveta Fedorovna and Vladimir Fedorovich Dzhunkovsky:
history of friendship and spiritual communication

Moscow Governor, His Majesty's Retinue, Major General V.F. Dzhunkovsky
(GA RF. F. 826. Op.1. D. 890. L. 6, 19.)

Vladimir Fedorovich Dzhunkovsky (1865 - 1938) was an outstanding statesman of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the 20th century. He is known to historians as the governor of Moscow (1905 - 1912), deputy minister of internal affairs and commander of the Separate Corps of Gendarmes (1913 - 1915), and also as the author of multi-volume memoirs - a kind of chronicle of late imperial Russia. Dzhunkovsky's memoirs cover the period from 1865 to 1917. Memoirs for 1905-1915 were published in 1997. However, a very interesting period of Vladimir Fedorovich's life associated with his formation as a statesman remained outside the scope of this two-volume edition. From 1892 to 1905, Dzhunkovsky acted as adjutant to the Moscow Governor-General, Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich, and constantly communicated with both the Grand Duke and his wife, Grand Duchess Elizaveta Feodorovna. Dzhunkovsky's memoirs, as well as his correspondence with his sister Evdokia Fedorovna, allow one to penetrate into the world of friendly communication that has developed between Vladimir Fedorovich and the grand ducal couple, to see those informal episodes of this communication that best characterize the personalities of its participants.

It should be said that the Dzhunkovsky family was officially recorded in the Noble Book of the Poltava province only in 1845. Under the coat of arms, the motto was written in Latin - “Deo et Proximo”, which means “To God and the Neighbor”. The motto of the Dzhunkovsky family in an abbreviated form reproduced the two main commandments left by the Savior.

“This motto,” wrote Vladimir Fedorovich, “my parents carefully kept in their hearts and followed it throughout their lives, trying to educate us in the same spirit, and if any of us did not observe it in all strictness, then this is our fault. no longer our parents, but ourselves.”

The family motto was organically supplemented by the commandments of the Knights of Malta, on which he was brought up in His Imperial Majesty's Corps of Pages, an elite military educational institution where Vladimir Fedorovich received his education.

Serving as an aide-de-camp to the Moscow governor-general, the orders that Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich gave him, allowed Vladimir Fedorovich not only to develop administrative abilities, but also to realize the motto of the clan. In the future, in the activities of Dzhunkovsky, in his attitude towards his subordinates and the population, there was always Christian mercy, the desire for a moral justification of his powers of authority. It seems that in this sense he was also influenced by communication with the Grand Duke and Grand Duchess, those examples of a merciful attitude towards his neighbor, which he could observe in relation to himself.

In 1884, after graduating from the Corps of Pages, Vladimir Fedorovich was released into the Preobrazhensky Regiment, commanded by Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich. Relations with the regiment commander and his wife, Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna, developed well. Subordination on the part of Dzhunkovsky in relation to them as representatives of the Royal House was never violated, however, these relations later grew from official to friendly.

Elizaveta Feodorovna struck Dzhunkovsky with her beauty even during her wedding with Grand Duke Sergei in 1882, when he accompanied her carriage as a page.

“Grand Duchess Elizaveta Feodorovna was charming, she spoke with everyone with such attention, so captivated with her beauty, grace, with amazing modesty and simplicity, that it was impossible to look at her except with admiration,” recalled Vladimir Fedorovich. In his archive, a poem by the poet K.R. :

I look at you, admiring every hour.
You are so unspeakably good!
Oh, right under such a beautiful exterior
Such a beautiful soul!

in Ilyinsky. Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich and Grand Duchess Elizaveta Feodorovna, surrounded by the faces of their retinue.
Right: V.S. Gadon (standing), V.F. Dzhunkovsky (sitting), Count F.F. Sumarokov-Elston.
To the left of the Grand Duke is Princess Z.N. Yusupov. (GA RF. F. 826. Op.1.D. 889.L.2.)

Dzhunkovsky's position could have changed significantly as early as 1886, when he was first hinted at the possibility of becoming an aide-de-camp to Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich. Bowing to the Grand Duke on the occasion of leaving on vacation, he unexpectedly received an invitation to stop by for a few days at Ilinskoye, and the Grand Duke took his word from him to telegraph to send horses for him. Dzhunkovsky, not without embarrassment, drove up to the estate and felt very embarrassed at first, from excitement he spilled vodka on the tablecloth during dinner, despite the fact that the atmosphere in which he found himself was the most friendly. Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna said that she had already been waiting for him all these days. Gradually, thanks to the naturalness with which the grand ducal couple behaved, his stiffness passed. “I was struck by the simplicity with which Their Highnesses behaved, from the very first evening I did not feel not only fear, but also any embarrassment, everything was so simple, family, no one got up when the Grand Duchess or Grand Duke passed, just like in a simple family house, even simpler than in other aristocratic houses. I was always struck by the special simplicity that was characteristic of members of the imperial house outside of official receptions, ”recalled Vladimir Fedorovich.

During his stay in Ilyinsky, Professor V.P. Bezobrazov, a former teacher of political economy at the Grand Duke, asked Dzhunkovsky how he would react to the proposal to become the adjutant of the Grand Duke, "because, in essence, this position is unpleasant, lackey."

“I answered,” Dzhunkovsky wrote, “that I would consider it a great honor if the choice fell on me<…>that you can bring a lot of benefits by occupying such a position that everything depends on yourself, you just don’t need to lose your self and behave with dignity, then the position of adjutant will be far from being a lackey. Bezobrazov's words made a strong impression on him and made him think that his peace of mind was disturbed by these thoughts. “On the one hand, this kind of appointment flattered my pride, on the other hand, it was terribly painful for me to leave military service in the regiment, which I more than liked, which I was fond of and found satisfaction in regimental life,” he recalled.

Subsequently, it turned out that the Grand Duke really had such thoughts, and that is why Dzhunkovsky was invited to Ilinskoye. However, at the same time, Countess Tizenhausen asked for her nephew Count Sumarokov-Elston, who was appointed to this position. “I think it saved me. If I then, at such a young age, would have been appointed adjutant, - Dzhunkovsky wrote, - then nothing decent would have come of me. I didn’t know life at all then, and court life would have captured me in everything.<…>she would suck me. And I thank God that this did not happen then.

On February 9, 1891, the Grand Duke was appointed Governor-General of Moscow. On the day of the surrender of the regiment, he gave an order in which he said goodbye to the regiment and "surprisingly cordially, not stereotyped, thanked everyone for their service." Dzhunkovsky expected to be appointed to the post of adjutant of the governor-general, since throughout his entire service he enjoyed great attention from the Grand Duke.

However, the proposal followed only at the end of December. Moreover, before agreeing, Vladimir Fedorovich turned to the Grand Duke with a request to receive his mother's blessing. “The Grand Duke treated me like a family,” he recalled, “and touched me very much, saying that without the blessing of my mother I should not decide anything.<…>As a result, my mother blessed me for this step. On December 14, 1891, the Supreme Order on the appointment of Dzhunkovsky took place. The lower ranks of the company in which Vladimir Fedorovich served blessed him with the image of St. Vladimir. Dzhunkovsky received a reception from Emperor Alexander III, who asked him to convey his regards to his brother. Empress Maria Feodorovna also expressed her pleasure at his appointment. But Vladimir Fedorovich himself was restless in his soul, it seemed to him that he had betrayed the regiment, the new life was embarrassing with complete uncertainty.

December 26, 1891 Dzhunkovsky arrived in Moscow. Right from the station, he went to bow to the icon of the Iberian Mother of God on Red Square. Then he went to Neskuchnoye, the residence of the Grand Duke, who, according to Vladimir Fedorovich, “moved him to tears,” accepting him as his own. “He hugged me, kissed me, saying that he was very happy to see me at his place, sat me down and talked with me for half an hour, asking with the most cordial participation about everything: how I parted with the regiment, how I left my loved ones, how my mother’s health and etc.,” Dzhunkovsky recalled. At about one in the afternoon, an invitation to the Grand Duchess followed, who also accepted him as her own.

“She was surprisingly sweet and attractive,” Vladimir Fedorovich wrote in his memoirs, “it seemed to me that she had become even prettier. At breakfast she seated me next to her.

In Neskuchny at that time lived the nephews of Sergei Alexandrovich - Grand Duchess Maria Pavlovna and Grand Duke Dmitry Pavlovich. The Grand Duke treated them "as the most tender, loving father, and he and the Grand Duchess surrounded the children with the most touching cares."

Dzhunkovsky made a detailed plan of his new apartment for his elder sister Evdokia Fedorovna, for which she thanked him in a letter dated February 18, 1892, and added: “Forgive me that I have not yet fulfilled your order about the photo of V. Kn. El. Fed. “I will do it today.”

in Ilyinsky. The interior of Evdokia Feodorovna's room.
Portrait of V.F. Dzhunkovsky, written by Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna. (GA RF. F. 826. Op. 1. D. 1009. L. 29.)

On January 5, having come to dinner at 8 pm, Dzhunkovsky was very embarrassed, seeing only three devices, it turned out that Stenbock, Gadon and Stepanov had left for the English Club, and Princess Trubetskaya went to her sister. “I thought if I had made a faux pas that I hadn’t gone somewhere either, and when Their Majesties went into the dining room, I apologized that I didn’t know that everyone had left,” Vladimir Fedorovich recalled. - The Grand Duke, noticing my embarrassment, said very affectionately: “On the contrary, it’s very good that you stayed, at least we are not alone.” But still, having dinner with the three of us, I was somehow embarrassed<…>". After dinner, the Grand Duke went to study in his office. Dzhunkovsky was left alone with the Grand Duchess. “I was extremely shy, it seemed to me that maybe she wanted to either read a book or write a letter, but because of me she sits and works,” he wrote in his memoirs. - Due to my embarrassment, I did not know where to start the conversation, and we were silent for a while. But then she spoke, began to remember England, and told me a lot about life in England that was completely new and extremely interesting to me, about her grandmother Queen Victoria, and so on. The two hours that I sat with the Grand Duchess doubly passed unnoticed. Then the Grand Duke came, tea was served and soon dispersed.

Court secular life and the routine duties of an adjutant never attracted Vladimir Fedorovich. “Such a monotonous idle life far from satisfied me and weighed me down very much, which did not escape the Grand Duchess and the sensitive Grand Duke, who always looked for some assignment for me so that I would not be so sad.<…>they often wondered why I was dissatisfied.<…>then they got used to the idea that a real courtier would never come out of me, that I would always look into the forest, and they no longer struggled with this, but on the contrary tried to make life easier for me in this regard, ”he recalled.

From the very beginning of his service, the Grand Duke gave Dzhunkovsky special assignments in which he could prove himself as an administrator and organizer, and when describing each such assignment, Vladimir Fedorovich noted how happy he was to escape from the court environment. The first task was directly related to helping the near and national disaster - the famine relief campaign of 1891-1892.

Already in February 1892, Dzhunkovsky was sent to the Saratov province as an authorized representative of the Committee of the Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna for the distribution of assistance among the starving.

Dzhunkovsky was supposed to visit the counties affected by crop failure, check the needs on the ground, and distribute the assistance sent from the Committee.

Evdokia Fedorovna wrote to him on February 23, 1892: “Druzhok, Vadyusha, we beg you, take care of your health, think about your dear mother all the time, who, of course, will mentally accompany you everywhere and worry about your health. - Of course, Vadyusha, each of us should be happy to help our neighbor, and you can undoubtedly bring a lot of benefits, but it’s hard for us to let you out of the house, not to equip you for the journey. The blessing of the Lord be upon you; pray to the Lord and we will pray for you every minute<…>Bring a warm sweatshirt and warm clothes in general, this is necessary. Take your mattress with you."

Dzhunkovsky successfully fulfilled the assignment given to him. Approval of this trip was expressed to him by his elder brother Nikolai: “I think that you have fulfilled the assignment given to you in the best possible way to distribute money, bread and hay<…>because I know your attitude to every task entrusted to you, and since actions are animated by love for the task, it will be good.

December 14, 1892 marked exactly one year since the appointment of Dzhunkovsky as adjutant to the Grand Duke, and it was the day he was on duty. "<…>when I entered the office to report on the arrival of Prince Shcherbatov,” he wrote in his memoirs, “the Grand Duke told me that he congratulated himself on the anniversary of my appointment to him. These words confused me and moved me to tears, I was completely at a loss.

The confidence of the Grand Duke was manifested in the fact that he instructed Dzhunkovsky to look after his nephews Maria and Dmitry in Ilyinsky when he himself was away. “Of course, I could not even think of refusing,” he recalled, “knowing that children are the most precious thing in life for the Grand Duke, he always trembled over them like that.” In a letter dated July 22, 1893, Dzhunkovsky reported: “I was very happy that I could personally congratulate her (Maria Pavlovna - A.D.) and hand over your doll and watering can. If you saw her delight at the sight of a doll with a mass of clothes, she immediately wanted to take everything off, change her clothes and kept saying very pretty<…>I am terribly happy that I stayed with the children.

E.F. Dzhunkovskaya and her pupil Grand Duchess Maria Pavlovna. 1908 (GA RF. F. 826. Op.1. D. 917. L. 19.)

Trust was also given to Dzhunkovsky's sister Evdokia Fedorovna. In November 1895, she was asked to become the tutor of Grand Duchess Maria Pavlovna. And although Evdokia Feodorovna, who was also officially considered the maid of honor of their majesties the empresses, was loaded with her work in the Evgeniev community of the sisters of mercy of the Red Cross, she could not refuse. In a letter to her brother, she conveyed the story of one of the court ladies: “Yesterday I was with the Empress and the Sovereign asked me what were the children of Pavel Alex.? - I answered that I had not yet been and I was afraid to go there, I heard a new personality there with children - a stranger. - To this the Sovereign said: “Do not be afraid, go and you will see what kind of softness this is, there will not be such a second one, she will positively be a mother - everyone loves her terribly.” Vadyusha, I'm just scared - such reviews! Help me Lord!”

In a letter to her brother dated August 20, 1896, Evdokia Fedorovna quoted from a letter from the Grand Duke sent to her from abroad: “Dear Evd. F., I just received your sweetest letter. Alas! the last from Ilyinsky, and from the bottom of my heart I thank you for everything so touchingly presented in it! I am infinitely glad that you fell in love with Baby (Grand Duchess Maria Pavlovna - A.D.) and that she treats you so trustingly. Your wife thanks you from the bottom of her heart for your letter.<…>Be so kind as to write to me sometimes - if you knew how you would please me with this. Heartfelt tribute to your brother<…>» .

Brother and sister have earned universal respect and love due to their conscientiousness, seriousness and deep religiosity.

General sympathy was especially pronounced during the unexpected illness of Vladimir Fedorovich - rheumatism of the knee joint, due to which in the spring of 1894 he was forced to spend more than one week sitting in an armchair or lying down. On May 29, Dzhunkovsky received a "huge bouquet of lilies of the valley" from the Grand Duchess. May 31 - 3 bouquets of lilies of the valley and one of the cornflowers. The Grand Duke hung funny pictures in Ilyinsky in Dzhunkovsky's room so that he would not be bored lying there. “What an attentive Grand Duchess that she sent lilies of the valley,” Evdokia Feodorovna wrote on June 2, 1894, and in the next letter she added: “And how the Grand Duke and Grand Duchess are attentive to you, but it cannot be otherwise.” “The Queen of Greece asked about you, about your health, she was sorry that you were sick,” the sister reported on July 27. - And to my answer that Their Highnesses were so merciful to the brother and surrounded him with attention, the queen said: “Your brother is so loved and appreciated by everyone that this cannot be otherwise.” Here, my dear, they give you your due. Grand Duke Mikhail Nikolayevich shared his opinion about her brother with Evdokia Feodorovna: “I love your brother terribly (like everyone else), he is so cute<…>here is Vel. Book. I visited him every day, I regret that I could not spend whole days with him, he is so good. Bow down to him."

In 1894, Vladimir Fedorovich's mother, Maria Karlovna, fell seriously ill. Dzhunkovsky visited her in St. Petersburg and even invited Fr. John of Kronstadt to pray at her bedside, after which Maria Karlovna felt much better. The Grand Duke and Grand Duchess showed a lively participation in his personal misfortune. “The Grand Duchess met me so joyfully, she said that she was so happy that my mother was recovering, that she kept thinking about her, and if she weren’t afraid to be annoying, she would send dispatches every day,” Dzhunkovsky wrote in his memoirs. “The Grand Duke was also touching, asking the most detailed details about the state of my mother’s health.”

In his memoirs, Vladimir Fedorovich cited two letters from the Grand Duke to him, "serving as evidence of his unusually sensitive soul." On May 16, 1895, the Grand Duke wrote to him:

"Dear Vladimir Fedorovich,
Today I received both your letters and I sincerely thank you for them.<…>I want you to know that there is a person who wholeheartedly sympathizes with your grief and who prays for you that the Lord will help and comfort you. The wife sends her heartfelt regards.<…>God bless you. Your Sergei.

Nina Vasilievna Evreinova

Vladimir Fedorovich could fully feel the heartfelt support of the grand ducal couple in 1897, when he was going through a serious spiritual drama connected with his personal life. Dzhunkovsky fell in love with Nina Vasilievna Evreinova, who came from the well-known merchant family of the Sabashnikovs. The famous pianist N.G. Rubinstein spoke of her like this: “This young lady has three dowries - talent, beauty and wealth, so long as they do not interfere with each other.” However, her marriage to Alexei Vladimirovich Evreinov, in which four children were born, was not happy. The meeting with Dzhunkovsky took place in 1893. The friendship that initially arose between them grew into a strong feeling, and raised the question of choice, which caused a strong internal struggle.

At the beginning of 1897, the lovers decided to part for a year in order to cool down and calmly make a decision, which we can judge from Evdokia Fedorovna’s letter dated January 18, 1897: “May the Lord give you the strength to endure the test - it seems to me that such a decision is the best - the year will show you everything - and the Lord will arrange everything for the better. The topic of official divorce and remarriage of Nina Vasilyevna with Vladimir Fedorovich is constantly present in the letters of his sister in 1897. Evdokia Fedorovna believed that divorce would not bring them happiness. “Others may not have the reproaches of the divorced conscience,” she wrote to her brother on January 10, 1897, “but you are both such believers. Will you be completely happy - I tell this only to you, my Vadya - I tell you alone what I think.

On January 13, 1897, Evdokia Fedorovna informed her brother that Nina Vasilievna was praying for him, and added: “You write that Vel. Book. Like a brother - so you told him;<…>Vadya, don't lose heart. You have not done anything criminal, and the Lord will arrange everything for the better.

In a letter dated February 19, 1897, she wrote to the Grand Duke: “Thank you for the information about my brother - I am very, very sorry for his moral suffering.<…>It is terribly hard for both of them not to write to each other now, but it seems to me that it is better this way. “It is a great comfort to me to know that Your Highness understood my brother and treat him cordially.” The letter dated April 28 is also filled with gratitude: “Your Highness, I cannot find words to express to you how deeply I feel everything you have done for my brother. I know what prompted you to appoint him on this business trip - I thank you and the Grand Duchess for your kind and cordial relations with him. God grant that the task entrusted to him makes him seriously engage in work and activity - the best remedies in his moral state."

Indeed, the new business trip was completely unexpected for Dzhunkovsky - he was to lead the medical detachment of the Iberian community of sisters of mercy, equipped by the Grand Duchess from the Russian Red Cross Society. A detachment of 19 people was supposed to organize a hospital to help the Turkish wounded in the theater of the Greco-Turkish War. The new assignment was in full accordance with the generic motto of the Dzhunkovskys "God and neighbor."

Evdokia Fedorovna wrote to her brother on April 24, 1897: “Here is your fate to work in my dear Red Cross<…>I bless you on a journey, on a good deed - in a good hour - a happy journey! Write everything to your friend and sister. And the next day - the day of departure - the sister served a prayer service for travelers in the Znamenskaya Church of Tsarskoye Selo and admonished the brother: “The Lord sends you to such an activity in which you can bring many, many benefits to your neighbor - and I am sure that you will fulfill your duty » .

Farewell to the Grand Duke and Grand Duchess was very cordial. "<…>I went to Their Highnesses, first to the Grand Duchess, and then to the Grand Duke, I received a pattern from them, and the Grand Duke gave me 2 dozen wonderful silk shirts, which he made for himself when he went to war in 1877 and which he only once or two put on, completely new, - Dzhunkovsky recalled. -<…>I wore them during the last world war, and now, when I write these lines, I still have one of them, I keep it as a dear memory. This parting greatly excited Vladimir Fyodorovich, he could not utter a word all the way to the station. “The way they said goodbye to me, it was possible to say goodbye only to the closest, dearest,” he wrote in his memoirs.

In Turkey, Vladimir Fedorovich continued to receive letters from his sister. On May 23, 1897, Evdokia Fedorovna wrote to him: “I am reading and re-reading your lines<…>. Take care of yourself, I'm afraid that when you take care of others, you completely forget yourself. “You cannot imagine how V. Kn. Eliz. F. praised you in front of the Empress. It was so gratifying to listen to, because. these were not empty words!” she continued further.

At the conclusion of his official report, Vladimir Fedorovich wrote that thanks to the concerted efforts of the entire detachment, he had not only to fulfill his direct task, but also to bring awareness of the height of Christian help to the Muslim population.

The meeting with Their Highnesses was joyful and touching. The Grand Duke, not waiting for him in Ilyinsky, went to meet Dzhunkovsky's crew along the road. “He hugged me,” Vladimir Fedorovich recalled, “he was terribly sweet, he said that he was so afraid for me that he was so glad that I returned healthy.” On January 1, 1898, Vladimir Fedorovich once again specially thanked the Grand Duke in a letter. " Last year It began so painfully for me,” he wrote, “and the whole of it was very difficult for me morally, and only thanks to Your Highnesses could I live through it so relatively easily.<…>Your participation in me, in everything that I experienced last spring, will remain until the end of my life the most precious memories and proof of your infinitely cordial attitude towards me. May the Lord reward you and help me prove my devotion to you. My assignment to the theater of war with a detachment of the Red Cross saved me from melancholy and despair, made me wake up, forget for a while my personal suffering.

However, he did not manage to solve the problem that tormented him in the way he desired. Dzhunkovsky mentions in his memoirs that he received news in Turkey from the Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna, who met Nina Vasilievna in Paris, which was a great joy for him. We can only judge how events unfolded in Paris during and after the business trip from Evdokia Feodorovna's letters. The sister mentioned the conversation between Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna and Nina Vasilievna in a letter to her brother dated September 7, 1897 from the resort town of Saint-Jean de Luz in France, where Evreinova was also resting at that time: “... about the arrival of A.V. N.V. does not know whether he will come here or to Paris. He writes to children. N.V., as I wrote to you, is much calmer, physically healthy, she talks about the future, that she hopes to achieve freedom - but knowing A.Vl. about divorce, she believes that he will never give her. N.V. she told me that V. Kn. she said that he would surely give if she demanded; but N.V. told me, V. Kn. she says so because she has no children - I will never part with children. Now she is satisfied with the general home system, the children are healthy, cheerful, cheerful with classes, everything is going well.

The divorce of Nina Vasilievna from her husband did not take place. In 1903, Alexei Vladimirovich died, but for some reason, Nina Vasilievna no longer wanted to marry. However, the friendly relations between Vladimir Fedorovich and Nina Vasilievna continued until her emigration to France in 1922. After her departure, they maintained a correspondence. Moreover, Vladimir Fedorovich always touchingly took care of Nina Vasilievna, helped her children. Evreinova's granddaughter, Nina Raush de Traubenberg, recalled that he was a kind of guardian angel for her grandmother, which was happiness for her and for the whole family.

Since 1901, Vladimir Fedorovich was involved in the new for him activities of the Moscow Metropolitan Guardianship of People's Sobriety.

Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich entrusted the post of deputy chairman to Dzhunkovsky, telling him at the same time: “I know how you always crave work<…>all the work will be on you<…>this appointment is quite compatible with your position as an adjutant with me, and I do not lose you in this way. People's houses, teahouses, Sunday schools and the hospitals run by Dzhunkovsky provided the people with healthy and cheap food, educated the inhabitants of Moscow, and provided assistance to the sick. The administrative and economic experience gained in this post (Dzhunkovsky oversaw the work of 13 people's houses) allowed him to confidently take the office of governor.

Changes in his career followed the tragic death of Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich. In his memoirs, Dzhunkovsky cited the last letter of the Grand Duke dated January 1, 1905, a month before his death: “Dear Vladimir Fedorovich, you deeply touched your wife and me, blessing us with the icon of the Guardian Angel, which, of course, will always be with us. Good relations are always especially felt in difficult moments: such is the present. Thank you from the bottom of my heart. I hug. Your Sergey. January 1, 1905".

Dzhunkovsky, as usual, worked in the Office of the Guardianship when he was informed of the murder of the Grand Duke. Taking the first available cab, he rushed to the Kremlin. “It is difficult to describe the sad picture that presented itself to my eyes,” he wrote in his memoirs, “complete silence around, few people, soldiers and officers carry something covered with a soldier’s overcoat, which the Grand Duchess holds with a calm face. Around the face of the retinue and a few strangers. I ran up, took the hand of the Grand Duchess, kissed it and, holding on to the stretcher, wandered after them.

The Grand Duchess received many letters, which she entrusted Dzhunkovsky to read. “All the mail came to me,” he recalled, “I put aside letters from relatives and friends, which I handed over immediately, and opened other letters and reported their contents; then, on behalf of the Grand Duchess, I answered them, why not a single letter remained unanswered. But, unfortunately, there were also such letters that I directly burned without reporting, these letters, almost all anonymous, were full of curses against the late Grand Duke, and in some there were threats against the Grand Duchess. I did not leave the palace all the time before the funeral, and throughout the day they brought me various items from the clothes of the Grand Duke, as well as particles of his body, bones.<…>All this was put together by me, things were transferred to the Grand Duchess, and the particles of the remains were placed in a metal box and placed in a coffin.